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Thursday, June 28, 2012


Dont Look for Answers - Find the Questions


by Zen Gardner

Researching the internet for information has taught me so many things. First of all, explore. Remain open and take the time to follow your heart and the leads and little nudges you’re given.

I know I’m preaching to much of the choir here, but these basic principles have such a wealth of wisdom to be gleaned.

We also soon find out the deeper one gets in the labyrinth of rabbitholelandia, the lonelier it appears to become. It isn’t really in the cosmic sense, but we become estranged to our previous ways of thinking and quickly realize our very lives are about to be drastically changed when we truly adopt the new Truths that are becoming increasingly apparent.

Baby AND the Bathwater – Out They Go!

And estranged we become. Thankfully. The first period of a genuine awakening is the most difficult for most since everything, as in everything, gets reset. There’s really nothing to hold on to from your past or previous conceptions of anything if you’ve had a bona fide wake up. 

Oh, there are ideas and some concepts that seem to endure from tidbits learned along the way, but it’s not the same.

Everything takes on a new living, continually changing, wonderfully creative amorphous nature.

Quantum physics has one of the best explanations if you want to try to rationalize the experience of awakening to consciousness. We’re living in a land of probabilities and nothing exists except in our minds when we aim our attention in some direction. Then it theoretically “exists”. But it’s just probabilities in a bunch of empty, yet energized space, coagulated by thought and intention within the perceiver.

That clear enough? Ha!

We Really Don’t Know – Do We Even Need To?

If we look for some catch-all solution or theory of everything it can lead to a lot of frustration. Not to say it isn’t worth the pursuit, but the pursuit is ultimately the end in itself.

Besides trying to fit the ocean in a tea cup and various other apt analogies, we simply will never grasp infinity with a finite mind. Quantum physics has pretty much put Newtonian and empirical science on its head, or better yet, blew it out of the building.
And yet again, what building?

They are all constructs is my point. Some apparently are group imposed like Jung’s archetypes that float in the collective subconscious like blipping inter-dimensional star ships or something, and some are like morphing ephemeral gossamer wafting through the ether as in societal trends and fashions.

We don’t know, but we have these conscious impressions. Which, ironically, are way closer to reality than anything you can touch or feel.

The beauty of it all is that our pursuit drives us to the end of the finite mind and into the infinite–our true observing yet indwelling consciousness and connectivity to each other and everything in the Universe. And that very hunger that drives us to find that resource and manifest it is what should direct our daily lives. Because that is where all of society’s and mankind’s solutions already exist.

Once we operate in that conscious awareness and the allowing of Love and Truth to express, everything else will follow.

It’s in the Going, not the Arriving

This is a bit of an aside, but as the mind’s questions and hunger for knowledge start to get satisfied and the false construct that has been foisted upon humanity gets exposed, a tremendous peace and assurance sets in. Somehow you know all is well and as it should be. Yet you also have free choice as we keep on living within this dimension where we find ourselves within these vehicles called bodies we’re automating around.

I know, very sci-fi.

Once you find out about the wonder of it all, the temptation is to just sit back and groove on it. Yet there’s this war going on around us. Not only this fear and scarcity based prodding to constantly worry about our survival, but nasty beings have somehow positioned themselves in places of power and are abusing the vast masses of other beings here on this planet.
Herein is the dilemma. What do we do about it? What can we do about it?

And that’s for each individual to find out based on their new found connectivity with consciousness. And to act on it.
“Cowardice asks the question, “Is it safe?” Expediency asks the question, “Is it politic?” And Vanity comes along and asks the question, “Is it popular?” But Conscience asks the question “Is it right?” And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but he must do it because Conscience tells him it is right.” – Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Nicely summarized, wouldn’t you say? Respond.

You Have to Ask the Right Questions

As we’re seeing here, any so-called answers that may be out there are going to be fluid, adaptable, often seemingly nonsensical, and constantly changing.
In spite of a world built primarily on rational confinement, the answer’s the same.
You really can’t nail jello to a tree.

But man, asking the right questions will keep you putt-putting down the path to greater truth, love and freedom like nothing else! People ask me how I find all these cool, apt illustrations for my articles. It’s all in the search question. And sometimes I’ll spend more time looking for the right illustrations than I will on the text!

You know why?

As many of you have found out, research is all about using the right key words, especially now with CIA/Google screwing with the search algorithms or whatever the hell they’re doing lately. It used to be easier to get to the information but they’ve screwed with it to make it more difficult. I like to use Startpage but they use Google anyway for images.

Secondly, when searching you run into so many amazing articles and cool blogs! If you use the images feature things will come up that catch your attention and off you go down the rabbit hole sometimes for hours! I end up with so many tabs open I’ll almost crash my computer!

It’s so much fun!

Ask the Right Questions and Outcomes Lose their Importance.

Being aware enough to ask the right questions is a big leap in consciousness. It has a lot to do with questioning everything. That requires detachment from emotional or otherwise over-involvement in your surroundings.

Takes some doing, but it’s primarily about commitment.

Many people can’t afford to stand back from the worlds of influences around them. They’re employed by manipulative people with whom they have direct dependencies. Or they’ve submitted to a societal network of some branded form of interacting they can’t get free from, such as circles of friends with similar likes and dislikes, or family with strong cultural and/or religious ties, etc.

Breaking free from that is no easy task. But that’s only true if you value those connections more than your connection to conscious truth.

Therein lies the rub.

You very often can’t have both. You can live peaceably with the unenlightened but you can’t do it for long. You have to establish a conscious living lifestyle, and let the chips fall where they may. It’s a decision everyone faces at many levels all the time. For the real Truth researcher, it is extremely profound with vast implications, and which we absolutely revel in.

It strengthens you.

I’ve sold almost everything I own. I live simply and frugally as best I can. Most of all, I dedicate my time to what I love. And that is the pursuit and propagation of Truth spoken in Love.

It’s almost like a leaky boat in reverse. I want to punch holes in the false paradigm around us and let the vast waters of Truth flood into this arid wasteland inside their lying matrix as fast as I can. And helping others question what they’ve been handed from any and every source, including me or anyone, is a healthy pursuit for a healthy, conscious humanity.

Don’t Be Attached to the Outcome

Big tip to help anyone stay conscious. Follows from the above.

Don’t be attached to the outcome. This can be anything from a simple planned activity to attempting to achieve some lifelong accomplishment. It could be the most limiting and debilitating thing anyone can do to their life.

Society operates totally on this one-track mindset of setting goals and making everything fit to obtain that goal. Besides that, they’ll sell you their goals!

This type of thinking is like putting cats in a box. It’s idiotic.

Goals should be very temporary, very fluid. How are we going to follow life’s signs or let synchronicity lead us into its magical realm of wonder if we’re set in our ways? There’s no room to get in.  It’s like people fuming at the stop light instead of grooving on the sights around them. How often do we all fall for this “hurry, push, push, don’t think” insanity of the world around us?

It’s designed to distract and keep everyone distracted and operating in tension in the micro world of limited mind.

Cut Loose and Stay Free!

Let things pass. Cut your ties with energy wasters. Free your time to live and love and learn. Watch what occupies your mind and heart during any day. How much is worry, playing “what if” games, or spending time on regrets or longings for stuff of any sort?

Get free. Do what you can do and watch the Universe/God/Source/Chi or whatever floats your boat kick into action! But you gotta make some commitments with action. Pare down your life to the essentials. Get away from mass media,  wrong food addictions, and other energy vampires.

Just do it. One thing will lead to another. Get serious about your desire for Truth and Love in your life.

Universe responds. Because it is, always has been, and always will be! In fact, time is another illusion, but that’s for another “time”….ha!

Ah, Universe! Now that’s all the “Universe-ity” humanity needs!
Have a great continual moment!

Love always, Zen

See also:
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Monday, June 18, 2012

Life is about figuring things out, not accepting somebody's word for it.

John Kaminski

Tuesday, June 12, 2012


The National Democratic Revolution (NDR):
Its Origins and Implications
Address by Dr Anthea Jeffery,
South African Institute of Race Relations,
Conference on ‘the national democratic revolution,
land ownership, and
the Green Paper on land reform’,
Stone Cradle, Pretoria
31st May 2012
In the post-apartheid period, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) has persisted in its
determination to implement a National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The ANC makes no
secret of this, regularly re-affirming this objective both at its five-yearly national conferences and
in various other spheres. Its commitment to continuing revolution has enormous ramifications for
the country and has already cost South Africa dearly in various spheres. Yet neither the goals of
the NDR nor the thinking which underpins it has ever been given much attention by the Media.
The topic seems to be off-limits to the Press, which earlier generally ignored the first stage of the
revolution – the people’s war strategy which gave the ANC its domination over the new South
Africa – and now largely overlooks the NDR and its ramifications.
Milestones in the development of the National Democratic Revolution
The ANC’s NDR has its roots in Lenin’s theory of imperialism, as articulated in 1917.
According to Lenin, the living standards of the working classes in industrialised Europe were then
improving rather than deteriorating (contrary to what Marx had predicted) solely because the
imperial powers were able ruthlessly to exploit the brown and black masses in their colonies.
However, this theory was difficult to apply in South Africa, which had gained independence
from Britain as early as 1910. But in 1950 the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) found a
way around this obstacle by stating that South Africa had ‘the characteristics of both an imperialist
state and a colony within a single, indivisible, geographical, political, and economic entity’. In this
‘colonialism of a special type’, white South Africa was effectively an ‘imperialist state’ and black
South Africa was its ‘colony’. This meant that the wealth of white South Africans had nothing to
do with enterprise, skill, or technological advantage but derived solely from the exploitation and
impoverishment of black South Africans. This idea, though developed more than 60 years ago,
remains central to the NDR today.
This theory was further endorsed by the South African Communist Party (SACP) in its 1962
programme, Road to South African Freedom. Here, the SACP urged a ‘national democratic
revolution to destroy white domination’. The ANC, it said, must overthrow the ‘colonial state of
white supremacy’, ‘democratise’ the new state by ‘making it fully representative of the
population of South Africa’, use the new state to suppress the former ruling classes and
transform society, and then defend the gains of the revolution through a ‘vigorous and vigilant
dictatorship…by the people against the former dominating and exploiting classes’ and any
attempt to ‘restore white colonialism’;
At the Morogoro Conference in 1969, the ANC endorsed this perspective and committed itself to
a national democratic revolution (NDR) to correct ‘historical injustices’ by destroying existing
economic and social relationships. This would give rise to a new society based on the core
provisions of the Freedom Charter: a document adopted in 1955 with significant communist
ANC commitment to the NDR
At its national conferences at Mafikeng (in 1997), Stellenbosch (in 2002), and Polokwane (in
2007), the ANC repeatedly recommitted itself to the NDR via the Strategy and Tactics document
it has adopted at each of these gatherings.
The Mafikeng document identified the key goal of the NDR as being ‘to liberate Africans in
particular and black people in general from political and economic bondage’ by transforming the
machinery of state, using a cadre policy to give the ANC control over ‘all centres of power’,
‘redistributing wealth and income’, and ‘de-racialising South African society’ through ‘a
consistent programme of affirmative action’.
The Stellenbosch document mainly reaffirmed the 1997 one but included a short Preface which
stressed the need to ‘eliminate apartheid property relations’ through ‘the deracialisation
of…wealth, including land’ and the ‘redistribution of wealth and income’. This would involve a
‘continuing struggle’ which would intensify over time. ‘Because property relations are at the
core of all social systems’, the tensions arising from redistribution would have to be managed via
‘dexterity in tact and firmness in principle’.
The Polokwane document (the current one) reaffirmed the need for affirmative action until such
time ‘as all centres of power and influence become broadly representative of the country’s
demographics’. It called for the ‘de-racialisation’ of wealth (including land), along with
management and the professions. It also urged a strong state able to ‘direct national
development’ and stressed the importance of cadre deployment to all centres of power.
A discussion document, prepared for the national general council of the ANC in September 2010
said the global financial crisis had demonstrated ‘the bankruptcy of neo-liberalism’ and opened
up space for ‘progressive alternatives’. The discussion document identified the Freedom Charter
as the ANC’s ‘lodestar’, and said the major current task of the NDR was to ‘build a national
democratic society’ which would address the historical injustice via the redistribution of land and
other resources, affirmative action, and ‘the eradication of apartheid production relations’.
In 2012 the ANC has released a new discussion document on ‘The Second Transition: Building a
National Democratic Society and the Balance of Forces in 2012’. This has been prepared for the
ANC’s policy conference in June and its national conference at Mangaung in December this
year. Though it repeats many of the same themes, it puts particular emphasis on the need for
‘freedom from socio-economic bondage’. This, it says, requires ‘a second transition’ that moves
beyond democratisation (the focus of the first transition) to ‘the social and economic
transformation of South Africa over the next 30 to 50 years’.
This second transition must achieve ‘real and visible progress in reducing wealth and income
inequalities and in changing racial…patterns of wealth and income’. An earlier leaked draft
spoke of the need to change the Constitution to make this possible. The final document is more
carefully worded, but nevertheless says the current ‘framework’ (a code word for the
Constitution?) ‘has proved inadequate and even inappropriate for a second social and economic
transformation phase’. The implication is that this framework will thus have to be changed. In
addition, the document suggests that the ANC is no longer willing to stick to an earlier ‘implicit
bargain’, in which the organisation ‘committed to macroeconomic stability and international
openness’, while ‘white business agreed to participate in capital reform to modify the racial
structures of asset ownership and invest in national priorities’. Since this approach has not
succeeded in solving poverty, unemployment and inequality, many more interventions are now
The Strategy and Tactics documents, along with the 2010 and 2012 discussion documents
outlined above, are public documents which are carefully phrased and often express worthy aims
(to heighten state efficiency, increase economic growth, expand infrastructure, and improve
education). However, they also make it clear that the ANC’s key objective is not to reduce
inequality by growing the economic pie but rather by taking existing wealth from whites and
transferring it to blacks. Though progress in the redistribution of wealth has thus far been slow,
the ANC expects its pace to quicken as the balance of forces shifts further in favour of this.
According to the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu), the NDR
provides the foundation for shift to a socialist and then communist society. The ANC does not
overtly espouse these goals. Instead, it stresses that the NDR is necessary to liberate blacks from
‘political and economic bondage’ (ie from the exploitation implicit in colonialism of a special
type), for only then will South Africa become a full democracy.
Some consequences of the NDR to date
In the political sphere:
First, from 1984 to 1994, the people’s war strategy was used to give the ANC the degree of
domination needed to drive the NDR forward in the post-apartheid era. This required, in
particular, the weakening or elimination of black opposition – and the people’s war was
singularly successful in achieving this.
Second, the ANC sees itself not as an ordinary political party bound by the ordinary rules of the
political game but as a national liberation movement responsible for implementing the NDR and
thus as uniquely entitled to rule. This makes it contemptuous of Parliament, opposition parties, a
free press, an autonomous SABC, independent civil society, and adverse electoral outcomes, as
in the Western Cape. Hence, contrary to what many journalists have said, there is nothing
‘baffling’ about its recent initiatives to clamp down on the Press or weaken the Democratic
Alliance in a variety of ways.
Third, the ANC does not regard itself as bound by the Constitution. It sees this not as a solemn
pact but simply as a tactical compromise which can readily be changed as the balance of power
shifts in the ANC’s favour. This stance has long been hinted at by ANC leaders, but is now
being more openly expressed. Thus far, despite its attitude towards the Constitution, the ANC
has nevertheless generally avoided overt damaging amendments to the text, such as those on
floor crossing. Instead, various constitutional provisions have been simply, in practice, been
disregarded. These include Parliament’s duty to hold the executive to account, the need for a new
electoral system after 1999, and the prohibition of cadre deployment. The NDR also means, of
course, the ANC has no principled commitment to key constitutional safeguards, including press
freedom, property rights, and an independent Judiciary.
Fourth, cadre deployment has been used to give the ANC control over all the ‘levers of state
power’, including parastatals and the public broadcaster. The aim is to use cadre deployment to
extend ANC control to the Judiciary, the Press, business, universities, and influential
organisations in civil society.
In the economic sphere:
First, the ANC has repeatedly emphasised the need for demographic representivity in
employment in both the public and the private sectors. This has also been made an overt demand
of both the Employment Equity Act and some elements in the black economic empowerment
(BEE) codes.
Second, the goal of demographic representivity in all spheres means that targets for redistribution
that fall short of this are likely to be increased in due course. Thus, for example, in revising the
Mining Charter in 2010, the minister – along with many journalists – implied it was a big
‘concession’ that the ownership target was being kept at 26% by 2014; and this target may well
be raised in time.
Third, part of the ANC’s aim has been to increase the power of the black working class, which
the organisation sees as the main driver of the NDR. The ANC includes within this class both
those who have jobs and those who do not, and may of course regard the unemployed as
particularly important in driving the revolution forward. This explains policies such as the
Labour Relations Act of 1995, the Basic Conditions of Employment Act of 1997, and the labour
bills now in the pipeline, all of which build union power while helping to price the unskilled and
inexperienced out of the job market. They also thus play an important part in generating the
‘ticking time bomb’ of massive youth unemployment.
Fourth, implementation of the NDR requires a strong ‘developmental’ state and provides a
continual impetus towards ever more state intervention.
In the social sphere:
First, the NDR promotes an increasing dependence on the Government. The aim is seemingly not
to encourage self-reliance and economic independence but rather to ensure that people rely on
the State for money, goods, and services given to them via social grants, free housing, free basic
electricity and water, free education, free health care for many, and subsidised transport.
Second, key additional aims (at least for Cosatu and the SACP) are to ‘roll back’ market
provision in areas such as health and education. In the context of National Health Insurance
proposals, for instance, Cosatu would like to ‘get rid’ of private health care and bring all health
care services under state control, which will further reinforce dependency on the Government.
Third, similar thinking seems to underpin current thinking on land reform and rural development.
As the Land Tenure Security Bill of 2010 shows – and the green paper on land reform
demonstrates even further – the aim is no longer to build up a new generation of independent
black farmers owning their own land. Instead, land reform beneficiaries are to be confined to
leasehold ownership, while communal land tenure in former homeland areas will be retained. In
addition, those who move to the proposed new agri-villages will have nothing but temporary
permits to live and farm in these settlements and will be subject to eviction by state officials if
they don’t farm well enough. Far from extending land ownership to many more black South
Africans, the 2010 bill and the green paper will bring about incremental land nationalisation.
There will be no big-bang approach, but the Government will gradually assume ownership of
ever more land while more and more South Africans find themselves without individual
ownership and dependent on the State’s permission for their occupation of the land on which
they live or work.
Important countervailing factors
From within the ANC
First, the ANC recognises that the ‘balance of forces’ must be correct before progress can be
made with the NDR. As with other revolutionary movements, it accepts that it may be necessary
to take one step back though its ultimate aim is then to take two steps forward.
Second, the ANC understands that the collapse of the Soviet Union brought about a fundamental
shift in the global environment. This has inhibited the rapid post-apartheid implementation of the
NDR which it had earlier anticipated. It continually monitors the global environment and has
drawn comfort from the global economic crisis which began in 2008 and the way in which this
has helped to discredit free markets. The ANC nevertheless feels the pressures arising from
globalisation. These include the importance of export markets, the need for more international
competitiveness, and the need to attract foreign investment.
Third, the Government has long been anxious to retain ‘sovereignty’ over South Africa. This was
a key reason for the ANC’s adoption of Gear, which it saw as essential to bring down the budget
deficit and avoid a debt trap which could have led to structural adjustment programmes under the
IMF or World Bank.
Fourth, as the ANC recognised at Polokwane, affirmative action and BEE have ‘opened up
enticing opportunities’ for its cadres, including ‘unprecedented opportunities for individual
material gain’. This has led to corruption and bureaucratic indifference. Cosatu and the SACP
are more blunt, saying it has led to a crass materialism which threatens to derail the NDR.
The ANC’s discussion documents in 2010 and 2012 also recognise that its cadres are
increasingly involved in factional strife, that state resources are being used to fight internal
battles within the organisation, and that the votes of ANC members are being ‘bought’ to
influence electoral outcomes. This is all part of the ‘challenge of incumbency’, it says. It is thus
(once again) seeking to develop ‘new’ cadres with strong self-discipline and revolutionary
morality, but these attempts are no more likely to succeed than earlier efforts have done.
Constraints outside the ANC:
First, key constraints are to be found in South Africa’s long tradition of critical vigilance,
coupled with its still strong Judiciary, its powerful independent Press, its vibrant official
opposition, and its diverse and often outspoken civil society;
Second, South Africa also has a well-established market system and a strong private sector with
top quality companies and high-level skills. Moreover, the ANC understands the importance of
business in generating tax revenues and generally seeks to keep it on side;
Third, South Africa has an independent central bank and a pragmatic National Treasury, at least
at senior levels.
The ANC’s commitment to the NDR means that the emphasis since 1994 has not been on
stimulating growth but rather on bringing about the redistribution of existing wealth from whites
to blacks. This is particularly evident in BEE rules, in mining and water laws, in land reform
policies, and in recurrent calls for nationalisation (which could be used to prepare the way for
confiscatory taxes or other interventions, as in the mining sector). Full implementation of the
NDR will deter investment, limit growth, worsen poverty, and increase dependency on the State.
It will undermine the Constitution, give the ANC totalitarian control, and betray the bright hopes
of the 1994 transition. Fortunately, there are many countervailing factors that militate against the
success of the NDR. However, there is also no room for complacency. Instead, it is vital to alert
South Africans to the threats implicit in the NDR and to do very much more to expose its false
premises and damaging outcomes.
Key sources in chronological order:
Strategy and Tactics of the ANC, National Conference, Morogoro, 1969
Strategy and Tactics of the ANC, National Conference, Mafikeng, 1997
Strategy and Tactics of the ANC, (Preface), National Conference, Stellenbosch, 2002
Strategy and Tactics of the ANC, National Conference, Polokwane, 2007
Building a National Democratic Society: Strategy and Tactics and the balance of forces in 2010
(Discussion document prepared for the National General Council, September 20-24 2010)
Economic Transformation Discussion Document for the 2010 National General Council
Leadership Renewal, Discipline and Organisational Culture, discussion document for the 2010
National General Council
The Second Transition: Building a national democratic society and the balance of forces in 2012,
discussion document for the ANC policy conference in June 2012

Thursday, June 7, 2012


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Henriette 
Date: 2012/6/7
Subject: Fwd: FW: PlaasJapie

Hallo Petrus,
Ek ken nou nie vir Jelleke nie, maar as dit 'n persoon is vir wie jy 'n hoe agting het, moet jy miskien maar onderstaande epos aanstuur as 'n "waarskuwing"  aangesien dit vir my klink of
die riolering stelsel baie spesifiek - alhoewel nie noodwendig tegnologies gevorderd - is nie. Ek is egter heeltemal seker dat ek dieselfde "stoeltjie" op een van die fotos gesien het..........


My liewe Henriette, jou naam nou 'n deelteken of nié?

Jy wíl mos spot met plaasjapies - nou sal jy dit moet ontgeld en nog een van my simpel stories lees:

Dit was aan die einde van 1979, net voor ek vir die eerste keer by my toekomstige vrou, Ingrid, in België kom kuier het.
Ek was op besoek by die óú 1 Militêre Hospitaal in Voortrekkerhoogte en moes dringend die Jood betaal - soos Frans Prins, ons mediese offisier op Mahanene altyd gesê het (het jy hom geken Alex?).

Nou, as 'n mens inkom by die hoofingang van die ou 1 Mil. was daar enkele geriewe vir besoekers regs van jou en ek bestorm die-eerste-die-beste een, begin broek losmaak en wil net gaan sit toe ek opmerk dat dié troon 'n kraan het en 'n rooster oor 'n afloop die grootte van 'n wasbak s'n.

Ofskoon die nood hoog was, het ek die teenwoordigheid van gees behou om my self af te vra hoe ek van die evidence gaan ontslae raak... Selfs onder dié groot druk het ek nie dáárvoor kans gesien nie en maar weer broek vásgemaak en 'n ordentlike plek gesoek om te deponeer.

Enkele dae later was ek in België en toe ek op 'n aand by Ingrid se broer , Johan en sy vrou Ronell is, gaan stap ons en doen window shopping - waaronder, so terloops, die mense hier iets totaal anders verstaan as ons - maar, nietemin, ek en Ronell gaan staan toe voor 'n winkel wat badkamergerief verkoop en, jou wrintiewaar, daar staan presies die gerief wat enkele dae gelede my gat se deksel was!

Ek is ietwat oorstelp van opwinding, want nou kan ek my (latere, voormalige) skoonsuster (wat ek pás ontmoet het) vra watvoor ding is dit - sy't gesê sy weetokkie... en haar pa was tog 'n onderwyser!

Henriette, terwyl ons nou terug by skool is: ek herinner my dat ons by geleentheid 'n opstel oor "ideale" moes skryf en toe het jy met die revolusionêre gedagte gekom dat ideale per definisie onbereikbaar moes wees, anders is dit nie regtig ideale nie - huldig jy nog steeds dié mening?

...en die ander?



naskrif: jou prentjie het nie uitgekom nie, maar ek het hom opgespoor:



Washington’s Hypocrisies

by Dr. Paul Craig Roberts
May 25, 2012
The US government is the second worst human rights abuser on the planet and the sole enabler of the worst--Israel.  But this doesn’t hamper Washington from pointing the finger elsewhere.

The US State Department’s “human rights report” focuses its ire on Iran and Syria, two countries whose real sin is their independence from Washington, and on the bogyman- in-the-making--China, the country selected for the role of Washington’s new cold war enemy.

Hillary Clinton, another in a long line of unqualified Secretaries of State, informed “governments around the world: we are watching, and we are holding you accountable,” only we are not holding ourselves accountable or Washington’s allies like Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the NATO puppets.  

Hillary also made it “clear to citizens and activists everywhere: You are not alone. We are standing with you,” only not with protesters at the Chicago NATO summit or with the Occupy Wall Street protesters, or anywhere else in the US where there are protests.  

The State Department stands with the protesters funded by the US in the countries whose governments the US wishes to overthrow.  Protesters in the US stand alone as do the occupied Palestinians who apparently have no human rights to their homes, lands, olive groves, or lives.

Here are some arrest numbers for a few recent US protests.  The New York Daily News reports that as of November 17, 2011, 1,300 Occupy Wall Street protesters were arrested in New York City alone.  Fox News reported (October 2, 2011) that 700 
protesters were arrested on the Brooklyn Bridge.  At the NATO summit in Chicago last week, 90 protesters were arrested.

In the US some protesters are being officially categorized as “domestic extremists” or “domestic terrorists,” a new threat category that Homeland Security announced is now the focus of its attention, displacing Muslim terrorists as the number one threat to the US. In September 2010, federal police raided the homes of peace activists in Chicago and Minneapolis. The FBI is trying to concoct a case against them by claiming that the peace activists donated money to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.  As demanded by Israel, the US government has designated the PFLP as a terrorist group.

In Chicago last week, among the many arrested NATO protesters with whom the State Department does not stand are three young white americans arrested for “domestic terrorism” in what Dave Lindorff reports was “a warrantless house invasion reminiscent of what US military forces are doing on a daily [and nightly] basis in Afghanistan.” If the US government, which stands with protesters everywhere except in America, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Palestine, can make this into a terrorism case, the three americans can be convicted on the basis of secret evidence or simply be incarcerated for the rest of their lives without a trial.

Meanwhile the three american “domestic terrorists” are being held in solitary confinement. Like many of the NATO protesters, they came from out of town.  Brian Church, 20 years old, came from Fort Lauderdale, Florida. Jared Chase, 27, came from Keene, New Hampshire. Brent Betterly, 24, came from Oakland Park, Florida. Charged with providing material support for terrorism, the  judge set their bail at $1.5 million each.

These three are not charged with actually throwing a Molotov cocktail at a person or thing. They are charged with coming to Chicago with the idea of doing so. Somehow the 16 federal intelligence agencies plus those of our NATO puppets and Israel were unable to discover the 9/11 plot in the making, but the Chicago police knew in advance why two guys from Florida and one from New Hampshire came to Chicago. The domestic terrorism cases turn out to be police concoctions that are foiled before they happen, so we have many terrorists but no actual terrorist acts.  

Two other young americans are being framed by their Human Rights Government. Sebastian Senakiewicz, 24, of Chicago is charged with “falsely making a terrorist threat,” whatever that means. His bail was set at $750,000. Mark Neiweem, 28, of Chicago is charged with “solicitation for explosives or incendiary devices.”  His bail is set at $500,000.

This is human rights in america.  But the State Department’s human rights report never exams the US.  It is a political document aimed at Washington’s chosen enemies.

Meanwhile, Human Rights America continues to violate the national sovereignty of Pakistan, Yeman, and Afghanistan by sending in drones, bombs, special forces and in Afghanistan 150,000 US soldiers to murder people, usually women, children and village elders. Weddings, funerals, children’s soccer games, schools and farmers’ houses are also favorite targets for Washington’s attacks.  On May 25 the Pakistani Daily Times reported that Pakistani Foreign Office spokesman Moazzam Ali Khan strongly condemned the drone attacks: “We regard them as a violation of our territorial integrity. They are in contravention of international law. They are illegal, counter productive and totally unacceptable.”  

The US reportedly funnels money to the Iranian terrorist group, MEK, declared terrorists by no less than the US State Department.  But it is OK as long as MEK is terrorizing Iran. Washington stands with MEK’s protests delivered via bombs and the assassin’s bullet. After all, we have to bring freedom and democracy to Iran, and violence is Washington’s preferred way to achieve this goal.

Washington is desperate to overthrow the Syrian government in order to get rid of the Russian naval base. On May 15 the Washington Post reported that Washington is coordinating the flow of arms to Syrian rebels. Washington’s justification for interfering in Syria’s internal affairs is human rights charges against the Syrian government. However, a UN report finds that the rebels are no more respectful of human rights than the Syrian government.  The rebels torture and murder prisoners and kidnap civilians wealthy enough to bring a ransom.  

NATO, guided by Washington, went far outside the UN resolution declaring a no-fly zone over Libya. NATO in blatant violation of the UN resolution provided the air attack on the Libyan government that enabled the CIA-supported “rebels” to overthrow Gadhafi, killing many Libyan civilians in the process.  

Under the Nuremberg standard, it is a war crime to launch a war of aggression, which is what Washington and its NATO puppets launched against Libya, but, no sweat, Washington brought Libya freedom and democracy. 

*Assassinating foreign opponents is the West’s preferred diplomacy.  The British were at ease with it, and Washington picked up the practice. In his book, The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, Cambridge University historian Piers Brendon, the Keeper of the Churchill Archives, reports from the documents he has at hand, that in the build up to the “Suez Crisis” in 1956, British Prime Minister Anthony Eden told Foreign Office minister Anthony Nutting, “I want him [Nasser, Egypt’s leader] murdered.”

Brendon goes on to report:  “Doubtless at the Prime Minister’s behest, the Secret Intelligence Service did hatch plots to assassinate Nasser and to topple his government. Its agents, who proposed to pour nerve gas into Nasser’s office through the ventilation system, were by no means discreet.” The secret agents talked too much, and the scheme never came to fruition.

Last week in Malaysia a war crimes tribunal found George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and their legal advisers, Alberto Gonzales, David Addington, William Haynes II, Jay Bybee, and John Choon Yoo guilty of war crimes.  

But don’t expect Washington to take any notice.  The war crimes convictions are merely a “political statement.”


Libya: the ongoing disaster

NATO's destruction of Libya as an independent regional power has paved the way for the military re-conquest of Africa,writes Dan Glazebrook*

The scale of the ongoing tragedy visited on Libya by NATO and its allies is becoming horribly clearer with each passing day. Estimates of those killed so far vary, but 50,000 seems to be a low estimate. Indeed, the British Ministry of Defence was boasting that the onslaught had killed 35,000 as early as last May, and this number is constantly growing, as the destruction of Libyan state forces by the British, French and American blitzkrieg has left the country in a state of total anarchy.

Having nothing to unite them other than their former willingness to act as NATO's foot soldiers, Libya's former "rebels" are now turning on each other. 147 people were killed in in-fighting in southern Libya in a single week earlier this year, and in recent weeks government buildings including the prime ministerial compound have come under fire from rebels demanding cash payment for their services.

$1.4 billion has already been paid out, demonstrating that it was the forces of NATO colonialism, and not former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, who were reliant on "mercenaries". However, these payments were suspended last month due to widespread nepotism. Corruption is becoming endemic in Libya, with a further $2.5 billion in oil revenues that was supposed to have been transferred to the national treasury remaining unaccounted for.
Libya's resources are now being jointly plundered by the oil multinationals and a handful of chosen families from among the country's new elites: this is a case of a classic neo-colonial stitch-up. The use of these resources for giant infrastructure projects such as the Great Manmade River project, and the massive raising of living standards over the past four decades that came about as a result -- Libyan life expectancy rose from 51 to 77 after Gaddafi came to power in 1969 -- sadly look to have become things of the past
However, woe betide anyone who mentions that now. It was decided long ago that no supporters of Gaddafi would be allowed to stand in the upcoming Libyan elections, but recent changes have gone even further. Law 37, passed by the NATO-imposed Libyan government last month, has created a new crime of "glorifying" the former government or its leader, subject to a maximum sentence of life imprisonment. Would this include a passing comment that things were better under Gaddafi? The law is deliberately vague enough to be open to interpretation. It is also a recipe for institutionalised political persecution.

Even more indicative of the contempt for the rule of law amongst the members of the new government -- a government, remember, which has yet to receive any semblance of popular mandate and whose only power base remains foreign armed forces -- is Law 38. This guarantees immunity from prosecution for anyone who committed crimes aimed at "promoting or protecting the revolution".

As a result, those responsible for the ethnic cleansing of the town of Tawergha -- such as the self-proclaimed "brigade for the purging of black skins" -- can continue hunting down refugees in the full knowledge that they have the new law on their side. Those responsible for the massacres in the town of Sirte and elsewhere also have nothing to fear. Those involved in the widespread torture of detainees can continue to do so without any repercussions -- so long as their torture is aimed at "protecting the revolution" -- i.e. maintaining the NATO-Libyan Transitional National Council dictatorship.

This is the reality of the new Libya: civil war, squandered resources, and societal collapse, where voicing a preference for the days when Libya was prosperous and at peace is a crime, but lynching and torture are not only permitted, but also encouraged.

Nor has the disaster remained a national one. Libya's destabilisation has already spread to Mali, prompting a coup, and huge numbers of refugees, especially amongst Libya's large black migrant population, have fled to neighbouring countries in a desperate attempt to escape both aerial destruction and lynch mob rampage, putting pressure on resources and stoking tensions elsewhere. Many Libyan fighters, their work done in Libya, have now been shipped to Syria to spread their sectarian violence there also.

Most worrying for the African continent, however, is the forward march of AFRICOM -- the US military's African command -- in the wake of the aggression against Libya. It is no coincidence that barely a month after the fall of Tripoli, and in the same month that Gaddafi was murdered in October 2011, the US announced it was sending troops to no fewer than four more African countries -- the Central African Republic, Uganda, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo. AFRICOM has now announced the unprecedented number of 14 major joint military exercises in African countries for 2012. The military re-conquest of Africa is rolling steadily on.

None of this would have been possible when Gaddafi was still in power. As founder of the African Union, its biggest donor, and its one-time elected chairman, Gaddafi wielded major influence on the continent. It was partly thanks to him that the US was forced to establish AFRICOM's HQ in Stuttgart in Germany when it was established in February 2008, rather than in Africa itself, as Gaddafi offered cash and investment to African governments that rejected US requests for bases.

Libya under Gaddafi's leadership made an estimated $150 billion of investments in Africa, and the Libyan proposal, backed with £30 billion in cash, for an African Union Development Bank would have seriously reduced African financial dependence on the West. In short, Gaddafi's Libya was the single biggest obstacle to AFRICOM penetration of the continent.

Now that Gaddafi has gone, AFRICOM is stepping up its work. The invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan showed the West that wars in which its own citizens get killed are not popular. AFRICOM is designed to ensure that in the coming colonial wars against Africa, it will be Africans who do the fighting and dying, not westerners. The forces of the African Union are to become integrated into AFRICOM under a US-led chain of command. Gaddafi would never have allowed this, which is why he had to go.

If you want a vision of Africa under AFRICOM tutelage, look no further than Libya, NATO's model of an African state. This has now been condemned to decades of violence and trauma and has been made incapable either of providing for its people, or of contributing to regional or continental independence. This new military colonialism should not be given another inch of African support.
* The writer is a political analyst

Al-Ahram Weekly Online

Wednesday, June 6, 2012


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Jelleke
Date: 2012/6/6
Subject: Re: Ek trek Orania toe!
To: Petrus Potgieter <>

Liewe Petrus

Ek stem heeltemal met jou saam - ek wil nog oudag kruisbeen op die vloer sit en wyn drink, in die veld op my rug lê en wolke kyk en altyd 'n stoute vonkel in die oog hê om die ooms aan te draai!

Die huis en erf was nogal 'n winskoop, R515 000. (Daar is egter 'n hele drama van familietwiste daaragter en ek dink die eienares was desperaat om weg te kom van al die onaangenaamheid - bitter vyandskap tussen haar en haar swaer en suster aan wie sy heelwat geld skuld - die swaer is die boer op wie se grond die Brosdoring-ontwikkeling is.) Ek sal egter heelwat moet uithaal vir beter kragvoorsiening, want die sonpanele is te min - sal 'n windlaaier laat oprig en ekstra batterye moet aanskaf vir kragberging.

Kyk gerus op as jy 'n idee wil kry van huispryse op Orania in die algemeen. Party mense vra absoluut verspot hoë pryse vir hul opslaanhuise. Blykbaar gaan nog so twee/drie huise (baksteen) op Brosdoring gebou word - daar is nou vier of vyf. 'n Nuwe plaasdorpie langs die Oranje word beplan en daar is ook erwe langs die Weskus te koop.

Ek hoop dis nou heerlike somer daar by julle. Onthou jy nog die liedjie: "Al die veld is vrolik, al die voëltjies sing, al die koggelmandertjie kom om fees te vier ..." Doris Brasch?



Tuesday, June 5, 2012


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Jelleke 
Date: 2012/6/4
Subject: Ek trek Orania toe!

Liewe Broer, Sussies, Vriende, Vriendinne, Kollegas, Leeskring-vriendinne, Bemindes en Gewese Bemindes

Party van julle weet al, party weet nie, maar die Stem in my het weer gepraat en gesê dis tyd om op te pak en Montagu te verlaat. (Ek is nou al 11 jaar hier - die langste wat ek nog op 'n plek gewoon het.) Ek luister maar na die Stem, want elke nuwe plek waarheen ek tot dusver getrek het, was 'n trappie hoër op die leer van my lewe. Weet nie waar ek eendag gaan eindig nie (die hemel?), want dit sal nou my 15de trek wees sedert ek begin werk het. Ek is baie hartseer en terselfdertyd baie opgewonde om te gaan. Praat van gemengde gevoelens - as ek nie huil nie, lag ek. Ek laat wonderlike vriende agter - party gaan ek seker nooit weer sien nie.  

Hierdie keer gaan ek Orania toe vir 'n heel nuwe ervaring en waarskynlik 'n groot uitdaging. Die huis en erf (1 000 vkm) wat ek daar gekoop het, is op Brosdoring, 'n landelike ontwikkeling op 'n plaas buite die hoofdorp - daar is geen Telkom-lyne of Eskom-krag nie. Ek sal so groen soos veldgras hier leef - sonpanele, windlaaier, batterye om krag te stoor, gas en 'n droë toilet. (Terloops, die urine, verdun met baie water, word gebruik om die aangeplante struike en bome nat te maak - uitstekende voedingskrag en geen ekstra bemesting is nodig nie.) Ek betaal net R80 per maand vir water (ongemeter) regstreeks uit die Oranjerivier en 'n R20-heffing aan die maatskappy wat die ontwikkeling bestuur. Ek moet egter self my vullis na die herwinningsplek aanry. (Orania het lankal begin met herwinning en alle inwoners moet hul afval herwin en skei.)

Van my vriende verwag dat ek binne 'n maand uit die dorp begelei sal word, want ek is mos nie eintlik wat 'n mens kan noem 'n konformis nie. En dan hou ek nog so daarvan om kaal buite te stort en rond te loop. Ek gaan so gou moontlik 'n digte kanferfoelieheining om my huis plant. Siende dat dit 'n landelike ontwikkeling is en boonop 'n bewarea, mag 'n mens nie konvensionele heinings soos mure oprig nie. 'n Mens mag ook nie gras plant en erg tuinmaak nie omdat dit die veld versteur. Dit pas my goed - ek het genoeg van onkruid uittrek en tuinmaak gehad. Ook van huisrestourasie, bouery en brouery. Ek wil my energie nou aan ander goed bestee, soos kreatiewe skryf, skilder en handwerk.

Orania lê in die Noord-Kaap aan die oewer van die Oranjerivier en 'n mens kan die Vrystaat oorkant sien. Dit is minder as 2 uur van Kimberley en net meer as 2 uur na Bloemfontein. Die naaste dorpe is Hopetown en Petrusville (twee verwaarloosde, vuil dorpies). Daar is baie boorde en landerye onder besproeiing op Orania en in die omgewing, met die gevolg dat dit pragtig groen is in die somer. Ook verskriklik warm en vogtig. Ek sien vreeslik uit na die somerse donderstorms wat ek so mis hier in die Wes-Kaap. In die winter is dit ysig koud - ek hoor 'n mens se sjampoe vries in die bottel as jy dit op die vensterbank los. Die dorp het lowerryke groot bome oral langs die sypaadjies, en, terloops, die grootste pekenneutplantasies in die land. Daar's 'n pragtige vakansie-oord langs die Oranje met 'n weelderige hotel, spa, restaurant, woonwapark en chalets (wat te huur is, vir dié wat wil kom kuier).

Soos julle op die foto's kan sien, is my nuwe huis maar strak en styf, hard en skerp - die teenoorgestelde van my mooi ou Victoriaanse kleibaksteenhuisie met sy oregonvloere, solder en dik mure hier op Montagu. Binne is daar darem meer potensiaal. Ek is net dankbaar dis van soliede baksteen - die meeste huise op Orania is opslaanhuise van die destydse Departement van Waterwese. Orania was 'n kamp waar werkers wat aan die groot Van der Kloof-dam daar naby gewerk het, gehuisves is. Dit is later deur prof. Carel Boshoff en 'n konsortium gekoop as die beginpunt van 'n Afrikaner-volkstaat. Duisende hektaar van die oorspronklike plaas Vluytjeskraal is intussen bygekoop vir nuwe uitbreidings en ontwikkelinge.

Daar is ongeveer 'n duisend inwoners op die dorp en duisende "uitwoners" wat Orania ondersteun, maar weens omstandighede nie daar kan woon nie. Daar is twee uitstekende skole op die dorp (een met 'n koshuis) wat baie blanke kinders van die omgewing trek. Ek is veral in my noppies oor die groot dorpswembad - nou kan ek weer my geliefkoosde sport beoefen.

Daar is baie gemeenskaps- en kultuuraktiwiteite op die dorp, ook heelwat nywerhede, winkels en 'n OK. Orania het sy eie vakansiedae (bv. Bittereinderdag ter herinnering aan die laaste Boerekrygers wat die stryd teen die Britte in die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog volgehou het) en erken heelwat van die "buiteland" (Suid-Afrika) se vakansiedae nie, bv. Werkersdag en Jeugdag. Die dorp het ook sy eie geldeenheid, die ora, sy eie bank, 'n eie radiostasie en sy eie selfverkose dorpsraad. Hoewel die raad geen subsidie van die Noord-Kaapse provinsiale regering ontvang soos al die munisipaliteite nie, is dit een van die weiniges wie se boeke klop. G'n wonder nie - daar's blankes in beheer.

Wonderlik van Orania is hoe skoon dit is - geen gemors op die strate nie, geen vandalisme, geen dronkes op straat, geen urinering in die openbaar of leeglêers op die straathoeke. Geen geskel en "Jou ma se p... nie". Huise het geen diefwering en baie het geen sleutels nie. 'n Mens kan die sleutel in jou motor los as jy êrens parkeer. Jy kan ook twaalfuur in die nag buite ronddwaal en na die maan staar as die gier jou pak, sonder vrees dat jy aangeval/verkrag/beroof/vermoor gaan word. Alle arbeid op die dorp word deur die inwoners self gedoen, van vullisverwydering tot bouwerk en plaaswerk - selfwerksaamheid is die hoeksteen waarop Orania gebou is. Sodra 'n mens "volksvreemde" arbeid gebruik, moet die werkers in die omgewing gehuisves word, en dis die begin van die ellende ...

As julle meer van Orania wil weet, besoek gerus

Kom kuier asb. vir my op Orania. Vee al die negatiewe stories wat jy al oor die plek gehoor en gelees het uit jou kop en kom ervaar dit met 'n oop gemoed. Ingelsmanne, Rooinekke en Grieke is ook baie welkom - glo dit of nie, daar woon 'n goeie klompie Ingelse op die dorp. Natuurlik is geen plek volmaak nie en mense is oral maar mense met hul streke en agterbakshede en hebsug. Maar as 'n mens moet kies tussen swart euwels/duiwels en wit euwels/duiwels, gaan ek maar vir wit. En ten minste word my taal gehandhaaf en Afrikaner-besighede het Afrikaanse name.

Baie liefde


Ns: O ja, amper vergeet ek: Ek trek die 28ste Junie uit Montagu, ry ná die laaiery oornag deur na Orania (so 9-10 ure se ry) en kry die treklorrie die volgende dag op die dorp vir die aflaai. Gaan absoluut voos wees. My e-posadres sal verander, maar ek weet nog nie wat dit gaan wees nie - nog in die proses om met die Aerosat-mense te reël vir 'n satellietkonneksie. Sal julle almal laat weet.

Die opwindende voorkant (noord). Ek wil 'n lekker groot stoep hier aanbou. Die sonpanele
op die dak is onvoldoende - ek sal 'n windlaaier moet installeer en nog batterye om krag 
te berg. Groot geld. Die tralies by die garage en die voordeur moes die vorige eienaar se
honde binnehou - nie misdadigers uithou nie. Geen honde mag los op Brosdoring rondloop 
nie. Hoera en halleluja! Geen histeriese gekef en geblaf dag en nag soos hier op Montagu nie.

Die sensasionale agterkant met die toegeboude waskamer (suid). Die erfgrens is die lae
baksteenmuurtjie. Ja, ek was ook geskok!

Die baie indrukwekkende westekant. Geen vensters om die huis koel te hou in die versengende
hitte van die somer. Let op die gesofistikeerde waterstelsel (die groen balies). Die water kom 
regstreeks uit die Oranjerivier en word gesuiwer vir huisgebruik.

Die geïnspireerde oostekant. Die draaddingetjie reg bo is vir satelliet-internet. Daar is geen 
telefoon- of kraglyne nie. Die satellietskottel gaan saam met die eienaar - ek het gelukkig 
geen TV wat my breinspoel en dommer maak as wat ek is nie.

BO & ONDER: 'n Heerlike groot spasie as 'n mens by die voordeur inkom (skuifdeure links).
'n Mens kan dit seker die voorhuis noem. Nie regte houtvloere soos in my Montagu-huis
nie, maar gelamineer. Darem beter as koue wit teëls (ekskuus vir almal wat wit teëls het).

'n Hoekie in die voorhuis. My rekenaarbedryf te groot hiervoor, maar dis ideaal vir boekrakke.

Die kombuis. Gelukkig baie kaste (wat nie lank beige sal bly nie) en 'n ingeboude gasstoof.
Ek moet 'n spesiale yskas met 'n lae kragverbruik koop om op sonkrag te werk.

Die opwasarea oorkant die kombuis is agter 'n 
muur versteek. 'n Mens kan dus lui wees en net 
een keer per week skottelgoed was.

Die droë toilet. Dis nogal 'n gesofistikeerde patent,
ingevoer uit Swede. As jy gaan sit, skuif twee 
kompartemente oop - een vir vloeistof voor en een
vir die vaste stowwe agter. Glo perfek geposisioneer,
volgens die eienaar. As die urine en vaste stowwe
geskei word, is daar geen reuk nie. Die urine vloei
in 'n kan na buite en word as vloeibare bemesting
gebruik (verdun). Die vaste stowwe beland in 'n 
plastieksak binne 'n emmer. As die sak vol is, word
dit uitgehaal en begrawe. Binne 'n paar maande is
dit droë kompos. Die urinaal is vir mans, want hulle
sit mos nie as hulle pieps nie en mik dan na die
verkeerde kompartement. Interessant, nè?

Die eksotiese hoekbad in die piepklein badkamer.
Die bad- en waswater word deur gas verwarm. Selfs
al is dit bewolk en reënerig en daar's min of geen
krag in die batterye oor, het 'n mens darem warm 
water - 'n uiterse seëning op 'n yskoue aand sonder
'n bedmaat.

Die toegeboude waskamer agter die kombuis en opwasarea.

Die hoofslaapkamer. Dit sal nie lank so vaal bly nie. Die muur links bestaan uit groot
ingeboude melamienkaste - nie besonder stylvol nie, maar darem genoeg pakplek. Ek bring
in elk geval my drie mooi houtkaste saam - as 'n mens dit verkoop, kry jy omtrent niks
daarvoor nie, en wil jy eendag weer sulke kaste koop, kos dit 'n fortuin.

Slaapkamer 2, wat my studeerkamer gaan word. Dis 'n spieëlbeeld van die hoofslaapkamer
langsaan met ingeboude kaste rug-aan-rug met die hoofslaapkamer s'n. Dis 'n lekker 
sonnige kamer wat noord front. My huidige studeerkamer front suid en is 'n instap-vrieskas.


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Petrus Potgieter <>
Date: 2012/6/5
Subject: Re: Ek trek Orania toe!
To: Jelleke 

My liewe Jelleke

Ek probeer mense oortuig dat dit nie 'n prestasie is om (dood)gewoon óúd te word nie, maar hóé jy oud word, is van belang.
Eweneens dink ek dis nie van soveel belang watter invloed die omgewing op jóú het nie, maar watter invloed jý op jou omgewing het wat tel; alternatiewelik: dis nie vére wat mý voël maak nie!

Ek wil nou nie voor-op-die-wa wees nie, maar jy wil nie dalk vir ons sê wat kos jou strak en stywe, harde en skerp huis nie - dis nie uit nuuskierigheid nie, maar om vas te stel hoe haalbaar dit in die algemeen is.

Ek wens jou alle heil toe met jou Voortrekkeravontuur!